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President Truman's statement of late June 1950 is generally interpreted to mean that the legal status of Taiwan is undetermined.
I have ordered the Seventh Fleet to prevent any attack on Formosa. As a corollary of this action I am calling upon the Chinese Government on Formosa to cease all air and sea operations against the mainland. The Seventh Fleet will see that this is done. The determination of the future status of Formosa must await the restoration of security in the Pacific, a peace settlement with Japan, or consideration by the United Nations.
President Harry Truman
June 27, 1950
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. . . . . we must be careful to realize that the One China policy cannot be interpreted to mean that Taiwan is already a part of China. This was confirmed in President Reagan’s "Six Assurances" of July 14, 1982, and more recently in a Congressional Research Service report China/Taiwan: Evolution of the "One China" Policy (July 9, 2007), but the legal rationale for such an interpretation goes back many decades. Indeed, this rationale was conveyed in a "top secret" State Department position paper to Secretary of State John Foster Dulles in October 1954, which noted that the "future" status of Taiwan and the Pescadores "was deliberately left undetermined, and the US as a principal victor over Japan has an interest in their ultimate future . . . . . "
[ US Dept. of State ] original documents:
Foreign Relations of the United States, 1952-1954, Volume XIV, China and Japan (Part 1) p. 760. Washington: US Government Printing Office, 1985
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. . . . . technical sovereignty over Formosa and the Pescadores has never been settled. That is because the Japanese Peace Treaty merely involves a renunciation by Japan of its right and title to these islands. But the future title is not determined by the Japanese Peace Treaty nor is it determined by the Peace Treaty which was concluded between the Republic of China and Japan.
Article 2 of the Japanese Peace treaty, signed on Sept. 8, 1951 at San Francisco, provides that "Japan renounces all right, title and claim to Formosa and the Pescadores." The same language was used in Article 2 of the Treaty of Peace between China and Japan signed on April 28, 1952. In neither treaty did Japan cede this area to any particular entity.
Starr Memorandum: Legal Status of Taiwan Dept. of State, July 13, 1971
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As a basic point of reference in the post-WWII period, the status of Taiwan was always stated as "undetermined" up through the Korean War period.
July 14, 1971
MEMORANDUM FOR: THE PRESIDENT
FROM: HENRY A. KISSINGER
SUBJECT: My Talks with Chou En-lai
This [Taiwan] was described by Chou as the basic issue between the U.S. and the PRC, going back to the Korean war, when we "surrounded" Taiwan and declared -- in contrast to our previous position (of Jan. 1950) -- that its status was "undetermined." Chou maintained that this was still our position, citing as a case in point a recent statement by the State Department press spokesman to the effect that Taiwan status was legally undetermined.
Foreign Relations of the United States, 1969–1976, Volume E–13, Documents on China, 1969–1972 Document 9
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Mr. Kissinger later changed the State Department's method of expression to be "between Taiwan and PRC" . . . . .
During the process of Cold War rapprochement between Beijing and Washington in 1971-72, Premier Zhou Enlai pressed National Security Advisor Henry Kissinger to recognize that Taiwan is part of China. Rather than agreeing to this formula, Dr. Kissinger merely agreed not to discuss the U.S. position on Taiwan's unsettled status in public. This posture did not change during the normalization process under the Carter Administration. Even when Washington transferred diplomatic recognition from Taipei to Beijing in January 1979, the "undetermined" status of Taiwan remained.
New Challenges and Opportunities in the Taiwan Strait: Defining America’s Role
Report of the National Committee on United States - China Relations Conference
on U.S. Policy Toward Relations Across the Taiwan Strait,
Pocantico Conference Center, August 8-10, 2003
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Taiwan, or the Republic of China, is not at this point a state in the international community. The position of the United States government is that the ROC -- Republic of China -- is an issue undecided, and it has been left undecided, as you know, for many, many years.
Dennis Wilder, Senior Director for Asian Affairs,
National Security Council, August 30, 2007
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The United States did not explicitly state the sovereign status of Taiwan in the U.S.-PRC Joint Communiques of 1972, 1979, and 1982. The
United States "acknowledged" the "one China" position of both sides of the Taiwan Strait. . . . . .
Not recognizing the PRC's claim over Taiwan or Taiwan as a
sovereign state, U.S. policy has considered Taiwan's status as unsettled. . . . . .
The concept of "one China" has been complicated by the coexistence
of the PRC government ruling the mainland and the ROC government on Taiwan since
1949. Taiwan was never ruled by the Communist Party of China (CPC) or as part of the PRC. . . . . .
China/Taiwan: Evolution of the "One China" Policy CRS Report for Congress, June 24, 2011
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Even while recognizing the ROC government and its "jurisdiction" over Taiwan, on the eve of the
Nixon Administration's contacts with PRC leaders in Beijing, the State Department testified to
Congress in 1969 and 1970 that the juridical matter of the status of Taiwan remained
undetermined. The State Department also wrote that:
In neither [the Japanese Peace Treaty of 1951 nor the Treaty of Peace between the Republic
of China and Japan of 1952] did Japan cede this area [of Formosa and the Pescadores] to any
particular entity. As Taiwan and the Pescadores are not covered by any existing international
disposition, sovereignty over the area is an unsettled question subject to future international
resolution. Both the Republic of China and the Chinese Communists disagree with this
conclusion and consider that Taiwan and the Pescadores are part of the sovereign state of
China.
China/Taiwan: Evolution of the "One China" Policy CRS Report for Congress, June 24, 2011
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. . . . After the UN revoked the ROC's right of representation, and when the US was preparing to set up diplomatic relations with China, on Nov. 12, 1971, the State Department's legal advisor, John Stevenson, wrote a Memorandum to assistant secretary of state for East Asian affairs Marshall Green in which he stated: "Since the 1952 Japanese Peace Treaty, the United States has taken the position that [the] status of Taiwan is undetermined, subject to some future international resolution. That position has been stated publicly from time to time."
Editorial, July 2, 2007
Taipei Times
The 1951 San Francisco Peace Treaty (entered into force April 28, 1952) marked the "official end" of World War II, but it did not give Taiwan to the KMT and Chiang or [the CCP and] Mao; Taiwan’s status was left undetermined.
Editorial, Dec. 27, 2018
Taipei Times
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In order to survive, Taiwan must neither declare independence nor unify with China. Taiwan's US-imposed undetermined status and protection combined with
the PRC's irredentist claim forms the systemic context that led Taiwan to engage in two overlapping conversations, one cross-Strait and one domestic, that constructed
a Chinese identity after 1945 and a Taiwanese one after 1971.
The Social Construction of State Power: Applying Realist Constructivism
Barkin, J. Samuel, Editor
Policy Press, 2020
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